ACD - Austronesian Comparative Dictionary Online

*ian₃ that, there (probably 2p.)

PWMP ian₃ that, there (probably 2p.) ⇫ ¶

WMP
Isneg	iān	that; there (near the person addressed)
Agta (Central Cagayan)	yan	this
Gaddang	yan	that (2p)
Tagalog	d-ian	there
	ián	that (near the person addressed)
Palawan Batak	ʔián	there (2p)
Subanen/Subanun	d-ion	there (2p)
Subanon	d-ion	there (2p)
Manobo (Western Bukidnon)	d-ian	there (2p. or 3p.)
Malay	k-ian	this; thus; this much; this way; hither
	yen	that (Lang. dial. 'that')
Malay (Deli)	yen	that (Lang. dial. 'that')
Bikol	ián	that, those (nearer than )
Miri	ien	that, that one

Reconstructions

PWMP

ian₃

that, there (probably 2p.)

Note

Also PC *hiã ‘there’. Dempwolff (1934-38) attributed Tagalog ián ‘that’, Malagasy izani ‘this’, Sa'a ie ‘this, these’ to *ian ‘that (one), demonstrative pronoun’. Although he did not note it, the Malagasy form is irregular, and can better be compared with Atayal iani ‘this; here; now’, Mansaka y-ani ‘this’, Nggela iani ‘here’, probably reflecting *ia-ni ‘this; here’. The inclusion of Sa'a ie in Dempwolff's comparison is equally problematic. Many OC languages which have lost original final consonants (e.g. Tolai, Bugotu, Mota, Tongan, Niue, Samoan, Anuta, and Maori) have a demonstrative pronoun reflecting earlier *ia. While some of these forms can plausibly be compared with reflexes of *ian, they can equally well be compared with e.g. Aklanon iá ‘here’ or Rotinese ia ‘this; here’, which cannot reflect a consonant-final etymon. As suggested by some grammarians and lexicographers (e.g. Churchward 1959) these demonstrative uses, like the widespread exclamatory and confirmatory forms of similar shape, probably represent semantic extensions of the 3sg personal pronoun *ia.